Tammy Baldwin is not getting much of a summer vacation in this election year.
Though the five-term incumbent looks to be on track for another easy re-election, her official duties in Congress and as a member of the Democratic Party's platform-writing committee are keeping her busy -- not to mention in the spotlight.
On a Friday afternoon in July, the congresswoman slipped into her role as a stalwart defender of the Constitution on the House Judiciary Committee, detailing the many misdeeds of the Bush/Cheney administration and then arguing, "As we know, the framers of our Constitution called for impeachment only in the case of high crimes and misdemeanors. The standard is purposely set high because we should not impeach for personal or political gain -- only to uphold and safeguard our democracy. Sadly, in my judgment, at least two high-ranking administration officials have met that standard. Although the call to impeach is one I take neither easily nor lightly, I now firmly believe that impeachment hearings are the appropriate and necessary next step."
That was one of the high points of the session, but one that necessarily committed the Madison Democrat to the ongoing task of doing what so many of her Democratic colleagues are incapable of: upholding her oath of office while worrying about the upcoming election.
Remarkably, as Baldwin focuses more seriously on her congressional duties than most members, she is also taking on some of the more thankless work of the election season.
As a member of the Democratic Platform Committee, Baldwin is in the thick of the discussion about crafting the document on which presumptive presidential nominee Barack Obama, his as-yet-unnamed running mate and other party candidates will campaign this fall.
Baldwin is on the committee for a number of reasons: She is a respected member of the party's congressional caucus, she is a policy wonk with a reputation for digging into the most difficult issues, she is a proud member of the LGBT community, she is a Midwesterner from a swing state. But, above all, she is someone who has made health care reform a central focus of her political career.
Baldwin was elected to the House in 1998 in large part because she ran as a backer of fundamental health care reform in a Democratic primary contest where other contenders were cautious about embracing the single-payer system, which remains the best response to delivering quality care to all at an affordable rate.
Her determination to achieve health care reform is so well known and so broadly respected within the party that she served as a vice chair of the 2004 Democratic National Convention and delivered an opening night speech to the gathering in Boston as part of a lineup that included Presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter, Vice President Al Gore and New York Sen. Hillary Clinton.
This year, Baldwin backed Hillary Clinton for the Democratic presidential nomination because -- despite their differences -- the congresswoman from Wisconsin felt the senator from New York was best prepared and most determined to address the failures of a for-profit health care system that leaves tens of millions of Americans uninsured and more tens of millions under-insured.
Unfortunately, Baldwin was probably right about that.
Though Clinton was not a supporter of single-payer, and though the reform plan she offered was disappointing on many fronts, the senator was a sounder advocate on the issue than Obama. The Illinoisan's steadfast refusal to embrace the specific rules and regulations -- including some mandates -- that are required to achieve universal coverage represented an unsettling break with commitments made by progressive Democrats since the days of Franklin Roosevelt. New York Times columnist Paul Krugman went so far as to suggest after a primary season review of the Clinton and Obama plans: "If Mrs. Clinton gets the Democratic nomination, there is some chance -- nobody knows how big -- that we'll get universal health care in the next administration. If Mr. Obama gets the nomination, it just won't happen."
It is unlikely that Baldwin and her allies will be able to forge a platform that gets Obama all the way to where he needs to be. To an even greater extent than the Republicans, Democrats have in recent years ceded the platform-writing process to their nominee.
But that does not mean that she should abandon efforts to advance the proposal by Progressive Democrats of America to outline a guarantee of health care for all in the party's statement of goals and principles. PDA says that:
For the platform to be adopted at the 2008 Democratic National Convention, we support a plank calling for our nation to enact universal health care that will:
Guarantee accessible health care for all.
Create a single standard of high-quality, comprehensive, and preventive health care for all.
Allow freedom of choice of physician, hospital, and other health care providers.
Eliminate financial barriers that prevent families and individuals from obtaining the medically necessary care they need.
Allow physicians, nurses and other licensed health care providers to make health care decisions based on what is best for the health of the patient.
That is an outline for health care reform that really would represent "change we can believe in."
Obama's aides will preach caution, and that caution is likely to be reflected in the final platform document that is adopted by the convention later this month.
But Baldwin, as she has throughout her career, should remind her fellow Democrats that, when it comes to this life-and-death issue, caution and compromise are no match for the pledge Harry Truman made more than 60 years ago: "Our new Economic Bill of Rights should mean health security for all, regardless of residence, station, or race -- everywhere in the United States," the 33rd president told Congress. "We should resolve now that the health of this nation is a national concern; that financial barriers in the way of attaining health shall be removed; that the health of all its citizens deserves the help of all the nation."